NOVPUBUnder the heavy casualties of the Russian Army, the war on the Asia Minor Peninsula had slowed down. Aside from continued harassing bombardment, the Allied Forces would occasionally land to cause destruction.
The Ottoman Government wanted to take the opportunity to counterattack, but reality did not permit it. Having just suffered a major defeat, both personnel and material losses were severe. The inconvenient transportation of the Ottoman Empire didn’t allow for quick replenishment.
In the Middle East War Zone, General Feslav was sighing at the sight of Jerusalem. Religious cities are troublesome, with too many iconic buildings inside; should any be carelessly damaged, the aftermath would be very problematic.
Otherwise, Feslav would have ordered a bombardment long ago. Not being able to use heavy firepower was only one aspect; he also had to control the casualties of the main forces.
The main purpose of training troops was for practice, after all. Austria was not Russia, where soldiers’ lives could be disregarded.
To minimize losses, General Feslav used the cannon fodder army as much as possible in sieges, which was also a reason for the slow progress.
The Guard reminded him, "General, the meeting is about to start."
Feslav nodded and turned to enter the headquarters.
...
A young officer stood up, his face full of worry which, paired with his youthful cheeks, seemed quite out of place.
"General, we can’t keep up this strong assault. If this continues, our army will be depleted before the war is over."
There was no doubt that the troops commanded by the young officer were treated as cannon fodder. Indigenous soldiers had no status in the Austrian army, without a regular establishment and only temporarily recruited when needed.
With an impassive face, Feslav replied, "Major Rick, war is always cruel. Being unafraid to make sacrifices is the essence of a soldier, and what you need to do is to learn to adapt.
If you’re worried about large casualties among your troops, then you need to find ways to reduce them, rather than complaining to me.
Right now, you are commanding colonial troops, and such casualties we can afford to ignore. If one day you command a regular army, these numbers of casualties could send you to a military tribunal."
Feslav naturally didn’t care about the losses of cannon fodder. If the regular army suffered such large losses, he would have to consider how to explain it to the home front.
In fact, Franz also didn’t care about the casualties of soldiers, but the losses must be justified. If an officer’s decision-making mistakes led to a heavy toll on the troops, even after winning the war, they would still be held accountable.
In comparison, the status of the cannon fodder army was much lower; if they died, just recruit more, the Vienna Government wouldn’t even inquire.
This war served, in addition to Jerusalem, as real combat training to cultivate the commanding abilities of young officers, and almost all were given high-ranking postings.
For example, Rick was a division commander of the colonial troops; otherwise, a Major would not qualify to be at a military conference.
Rick’s fellow young officer hurriedly explained, "That’s not it, General. I just think that such blind attacks are meaningless.
Without the use of heavy artillery, it is difficult for us to achieve results with such strong assaults. Perhaps we should find a more effective way to besiege the city.
For instance, local recruitment of able-bodied men to have the Ottomans kill each other, weakening the morale of the defending troops within the city. Or drive civilians into the city to deplete the enemy’s food supplies."
These two methods had actually been suggested in previous military conferences but were rejected for a very simple reason: reputation.
To gain political capital, the Vienna Government had already proclaimed the slogan of recovering the Holy Land. Not to be outdone, The Vatican also spontaneously came out to cheer them on.
A host of fearless war correspondents came here from the European Continent. The actions of the Austrian army were being monitored by countless eyes, and General Feslav naturally wouldn’t adopt extreme measures.
Some couldn’t understand this approach, reasoning that everyone’s reputation was already poor and Austria’s methods in the colonial movement were equally unclean, so why bother about reputation anymore.
After hesitating for a moment, Feslav shook his head, "No, the military serves politics. The status of Jerusalem is not ordinary, and we must consider the international impact.
If your troops suffer more than a third in casualties, you can temporarily halt the siege. We’ve already cut off the water supply; the people inside won’t last long.
This war is a real combat training exercise, applying what you’ve learned in knowledge to the battlefield. Losses are secondary."
What seemed like a casual reply was actually filled with helplessness. Relying on the enemy’s lack of preparation was not what a commander should do.
But reality demanded it, and Feslav had already reported the situation to the Vienna Government. The response he got was that it didn’t matter if Jerusalem couldn’t be taken down anytime soon. Austria wasn’t in a hurry, but the international reputation was of utmost importance.
Another young officer proposed, "What if we create an outlet and spread rumors to encourage the local Muslims to enter Jerusalem to defend the Holy Land?
We could also create opportunities for the prisoners we’ve captured to escape back into Jerusalem. Whether the city’s defenders accept them or not, it’s advantageous for us."
Such subtle tactics seemed much more civilized.
Feslav nodded, "This suggestion isn’t bad, order the northern patrol to release water, intentionally leaving a gap to allow personnel to go in and out.
Send someone to have a good talk with the local power-holders and guide the locals into Jerusalem. Deal directly with those who don’t cooperate under any pretext.
Whether the city’s guards let people into the city or not, first get them to the foot of the city walls. Be discreet about it, and don’t get noticed."
...
The blood-red afterglow of the setting sun was fading away, while the Russian and Polish forces were still engaged in fierce combat, the battlefield strewn with mountains of corpses and seas of blood.
In this moment of life and death, the courage exhibited by the Polish army took the Russians by surprise. Nevertheless, it didn’t change the course of the war, as the numerical inferiority of the Polish forces gradually became apparent with the passage of time.
As night fell, the darkness halted the advance of the Russian troops, and both sides were forced to withdraw. Kiev, on the verge of collapse, had held out for yet another day, and the defense officer, Pretar, was utterly exhausted.
With less than a fifth of the Russian forces, he had defended the city for a week, and reinforcements had yet to arrive. The surrounding allied forces had long since been defeated, and Kiev had become an isolated city.
Dragging his weary body, Pretar took stock of the casualties and was left with nothing but a sigh.
The Polish Government had deployed an infantry division and two defense brigades in the Kiev area, totaling 16,000 troops. Now, less than half were able to fight.
This was the result after Pretar, under pressure, had gathered all the troops in the Kiev area together. Otherwise, they wouldn’t have been able to withstand the Russian forces for a week.
With the strategic locations outside the city nearly all lost, the Russian army had breached the city by day. Without reinforcements, the fall of Kiev was inevitable.
Pretar no longer harbored any illusions about reinforcements. He simply hoped the government wouldn’t waste the time bought by the sacrifice of these 16,000 soldiers.
As the night deepened, after deploying the defense tasks, Pretar wrote one last letter, or rather, a will, to the Polish Government.
Telegraph communication from the Kiev area to Warsaw was already cut off. Now they could only resort to primitive means of communication, and whether this letter could even reach the Polish Government was unknown.
This time Pretar didn’t ask for reinforcements. Reason told him, battling the Russians in the Kiev area was extremely foolish.
The best battlefield was in Warsaw, even though putting the battlefield at the capital would incur great losses. Without public support, it was too difficult to prevail against a stronger enemy.
War always demanded sacrifice. In Pretar’s view, no price was too high to pay for victory.
If the defenders of the Kiev area could sacrifice themselves for the nation today, then Warsaw, as the capital, should be equally ready to make sacrifices tomorrow.
As one of the leaders of the Great Polish Revolution, after Poland’s independence, Pretar voluntarily left the center of power and chose to defend the unpopular Kiev front.
When he made that decision, he was prepared to sacrifice himself for the nation. The Russian Empire wasn’t easy to deal with; a resurgence from the Tsarist Government was expected by many.
It’s just that it came too early. The newly independent Poland hadn’t revived itself, and within just a few short years, it became prey once again.
...
In Warsaw, when Prime Minister Dobroborsky received Pretar’s last letter, the news of the fall of the Kiev region and Pretar’s suicide also arrived, pulling out the last nail; the Russian forces pointed directly at the Sluch River.
Putting the letter aside, Dobroborsky shook his head. In his view, Pretar was too idealistic. At this stage, it would be good enough if the Kingdom of Poland could even maintain its existence.
Instead of fantasizing about concentrating forces in the Warsaw region to heavily damage the Russian army, it was better to hope that Prussian reinforcements would arrive soon.
Just the day before the fall of Kiev, the Polish Parliament had elected Wilhelm I as King, and a Prusso-Polish alliance had become inevitable.
The war had proceeded to this point, and the Kingdom of Poland had already failed. In just half a month, Poland had lost eighty thousand troops and one-fifth of its territory. What could they use to battle Russia now?
The failure of a war always required someone to take responsibility. As the loser, Prime Minister Dobroborsky, now acting as the interim Prime Minister, wasn’t far from the day he must resign to take the blame.
There was no choice. Under Russian pressure, all sectors of Polish society advocated for a compromise with the Prussians to prompt the Berlin Government to send protection.
Years of political career hadn’t gone to waste for Dobroborsky, who was no longer the same naïve revolutionary he once was.
Analyzing the current situation, he knew there were secret deals between Prussia and Russia. The Berlin Government surely understood the principle of mutual dependency, yet the Prussians still delayed their actions, which spoke volumes.
When the war would end was no longer within the Polish Government’s ability to decide. He surmised that once the Russians occupied the land they agreed upon, it would be time for everyone to sit down and negotiate.
The intervention of the international community was all thunder and no rain. If England and France truly wanted to intervene in this war, they would send troops directly into the Baltic Sea to pressure St. Petersburg, ensuring the Tsarist Government would compromise.
