The year 1874 was destined to be an extraordinary one. In addition to wars in the Near East and the Russo-Polish War, the Asia-Pacific region was also unstable.
It began with the French signing the "Franco-Annamite Treaty of Peace and Alliance" with the Annan Government, followed by the outbreak of the Japanese invasion of Taiwan.
The latter, needless to say, ended in failure. The "Franco-Annamite Treaty of Peace and Alliance" sounded harmonious, but in reality, it was just a nice-sounding name for a document serving colonial invasion.
After having contracted its strategy for so long, some within France could no longer sit still. The world had already been carved up. There were only scraps left, and any further delay meant missing out on those as well.
Despite power struggles within the Paris Government leaving little attention for causing trouble elsewhere, the fervor for colonial expansion within the country was undeniable.
Colonial expansion didn’t always require military force; for instance, the treaty signed with the Annan people was based on diplomatic deceit—it was essentially a bait-and-switch on the Annan Government.
What seemed like an ordinary treaty actually provided a legal basis for the French to interfere in Annan’s internal affairs. Regardless of what the Annan people thought, the French only needed a justification that other European countries could accept.
An alliance between England, France, and Austria had formed, and the relaxed international climate created opportunities for French expansion in Indochina.
Since Indochina was not within Austria’s colonial plans and did not involve their interests, the Vienna Government naturally had no inclination to act as the saviors of justice.
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In the Vienna Palace, Franz’s attention was captivated by the Kingdom of Poland, turning him into a mere spectator, quietly observing the spectacle between Prussia and Russia.
Foreign Minister Weisenberg reported, "Two days ago, reinforcement troops from the Kingdom of Prussia reached the front lines. Yesterday, they engaged in a minor skirmish with the Russian Army.
However, both sides showed great restraint, appearing as if they were merely putting on a show. The Russians have now taken over most of Polish Ukraine, which accounts for approximately one-third of Poland’s territory.
Initial assessments suggest that this might be the compensation the Berlin Government promised to Russia. Next, the two countries will likely sit down for negotiations to formalize the agreed terms.
As a consequence of this, this morning the British Ambassador sent out invitations to all European nations, including us, proposing the formation of an International Intervention Alliance to mediate in this conflict.
The London Government cannot sit idly by any longer. The smokescreens we released previously have had their effect. To prevent us and the French from further expansion in Europe, the British can’t help but intervene now."
The Russo-Polish War, the election of Poland’s King—such significant events, yet France and Austria have simply been watching coldly as if something wasn’t amiss?
It’s not that there have been no actions taken. Franz has been calling for everyone to exercise restraint, to sit down and talk things through patiently. The Paris Government has also warned Prussia and Russia not to play with fire.
Specific actions? Regrettably, both France and Austria are too busy to meddle in these trivial issues.
That France and Austria remain uninvolved certainly indicates some behind-the-scenes trading of interests. With a bit of analysis, the British can guess what the trade entails, and naturally, they must create some mischief.
If they don’t muddle the situation, would that still be John Bull?
Franz nodded, "At this stage, we are going to face significant pressure from public opinion. The British are playing a grand game.
The government must manage the narrative well, or else if the British set the tempo, chaos will ensue."
From various indications, Franz surmised that the British wanted to incite a conflict between France and Austria, while simultaneously driving a wedge between Austria and the German Federation.
This is an unavoidable open strategy. The French want to annex the Rhineland region, and for the sake of political correctness, the Vienna Government can only stand in opposition.
The German Region has been fragmented for many years, with each Sub-State accustomed to its own sovereignty. Under the pressure of nationalism, everyone is forced to put on a show of supporting unification, but in reality, they still wish to keep their independent kingdoms.
Austria has the power to unify the German Region, but the upper echelons of the Sub-State governments must cozy up to the Vienna Government to protect their interests.
But should they find that Austria is unable to unify the German Region against the restraint of the great powers, or if they feel strong enough to break free from this threat, then the situation will change.
Take the current Kingdom of Prussia, for example, which has simply withdrawn from the German Region, no longer considering itself a part of the German Confederation, playing its own game as the Great Prussia.
Knowing this is one thing, but in reality, Franz can only react passively. Even if a conflict between France and Austria were to erupt, the two sides wouldn’t engage in battle.
The only common border they share is in the Italian Area. Despite the French occupying the Kingdom of Sardinia for many years, they still have no mass support there.
That’s the hangover from Napoleon III’s unattractive past actions lacking legal grounding. Over a decade has passed, and the local population still does not accept French rule.
If fighting were to break out in the Italian Area with Austria, they would face not only the Austrian army but also guerrilla resistance from locals.
The leader of the Italian Independence Alliance is the former King of Sardinia, ready to be used as a pawn. If the French don’t make a move, no one can bother them, but one major defeat on the battlefield could see the fragile French Empire collapse.
Overall, the longer the French Empire endures, the more advantageous it is for Austria. Not only can it share Austria’s international pressure, but it can also accelerate the national integration movement in Lombardy and Veneto.
Originally, when the Italian Area was full of Sub-States, the Italians in Lombardy and Veneto also wanted independence, making national integration progress very difficult.
Ever since the French annexed the Italian Area, the nationalist movements in Lombardy and Veneto region abruptly fell into a slump.
This round of societal oppression sobered many people. Local capitalists no longer supported the independence movement but rather actively gravitated towards Austria.
In recent years, the spread of the Austrian language and script in the local areas suddenly accelerated. Newspapers, books, and advertisements on the streets were all in Austrian, and the traditional Italian script was abandoned.
Social attitudes had changed; those who did not speak Austrian were despised and found it difficult to move around in the cities. No capitalist would employ a worker who did not speak Austrian.
Before his death, Napoleon III once wanted to emulate Austria’s policy of national assimilation, but he was forced to abandon it just as it began.
Being the "Socialist Emperor" wasn’t easy, as he increased social welfare benefits, inevitably leading to increased fiscal expenses.
Besides financial issues, there was resistance from the local Italian governments. The French might have forcibly annexed the Italian Area, but they could not replace all the local officials with French ones.
Without the cooperation of local officials, how could the central government’s policies be implemented?
This was different from the situation in Lombardy and Veneto—the promotion of national assimilation by Franz was backed by several hundred thousand Germans and a cadre of nobility loyal to the Habsburg dynasty. If anyone disobeyed, they could simply be replaced; there was no shortage of supporters.
All being Italians, how could the French government make replacements? Even if they did replace people, they would still be passively resisting. Establishing a government loyal to the French Empire in the area was not something that could be achieved overnight.
The policy of national assimilation that Napoleon III could not sustain is now in the hands of Napoleon IV and will only be more difficult.
Without true national assimilation, Great France is a powder keg that could explode at any moment.
An enemy with such clear weaknesses is not to be feared. With such an apparent vulnerability, Franz naturally would not worry about France growing stronger.
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The German Federation Empire was a joke in itself, and Franz never worried that the alliance would become a threat.
The initial elevation of these sub-states to an empire by other European countries stemmed not only from the existence of kingdoms within the German Federation but also from a larger concern about Austria achieving unification through peaceful evolution.
No matter how much the British instigated, they couldn’t change the fact that the two sides shared cultural roots. The ruling class also had to consider the feelings of the people. The Kingdom of Prussia could not escape the influence of German nationalism, much less the German Federation Empire.
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At the behest of the British Government, on July 16, 1874, countries from across Europe convened an international conference in London to discuss the ongoing Russo-Polish and Near East wars.
Within the Austrian embassy in London, the Anglo-Austrian two countries were engaged in confidential discussions.
British Foreign Minister McKinnon, Marquis: "Your Excellency, the Envoy, the world needs peace, and a stable Europe is the foundation of world peace.
On the issue of maintaining European stability, our two countries’ interests are aligned. Now we require your country to take more proactive measures and contribute to the stability of Europe."
Austrian diplomat Hummel smiled slightly as he put down his coffee: "Your Excellacy, the Minister, we too are eager to work for world peace, but the fact is, world peace requires joint efforts by everyone.
Maintaining the stability of the European Continent is a common responsibility of all European countries, not just one or two. We have already done quite a lot for the stability of Europe.
History teaches us that sometimes doing too much can be counterproductive. Occasionally letting things take their course might yield unexpected results."
There was no doubt that Hummel was referring to the Metternich Era. Back then, the Vienna Government was the active maintainer of European order, yet although Austria maintained European stability, the greatest gains were reaped by the British.
After the anti-French wars, Europe remained stable for thirty years, creating favorable conditions for British colonial expansion. Meanwhile, Austria, the ardent maintainer of European order, found itself locked within the European Continent, unable to engage in colonial expansion.
It was not until after Franz ascended to power and the Vienna Government abandoned Metternich’s strategy of balance in Europe that they managed to catch up to the colonial expansion era.
McKinnon remained unmoved and casually remarked: "That’s not necessarily the case. Allowing situations to develop on their own is risky. Once the situation spins out of control, everyone’s losses will be even greater.
Instead of letting events unfold, it’s better to take the initiative. I’m sure your country does not want to see the French continue to expand.
If they get hold of the Rhineland region, it’s doubtful even Belgium would remain secure, and the German Federation Empire might also suffer cuts at their hands."
This was an inevitable consequence; with the resources of the Rhineland region, the strength of France would further increase.
Then, preventing them from annexing territories west of the Rhine would be nearly impossible. For Austria, this exceeded the threshold of tolerance.
Hummel nodded: "No one in Europe wants to see this happen, and we are no exception. I wonder what plan your country has; we are more than willing to cooperate as long as it can prevent this from happening."
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