NOVPUBBeing neighbors with the French is quite a challenge these days, and one must always remain vigilant.
The Rhineland region is an exclave with another good neighbor. The Prussian Government had long been mentally prepared to lose this region, but they hadn’t expected to lose it in this way.
Unable to acknowledge the diplomatic pressure exerted by the Anglo-Austrian two countries, the Prussian Government had no choice but to compromise. In the short term, giving up the Rhineland region was actually a good thing for the Kingdom of Prussia.
By selling off the Rhineland region, not only could they escape the financial crisis, but they also rid themselves of the French threat, allowing them to focus on resisting the Russians.
If they stubbornly refused to sell, it was quite possible that during the next Prusso-Russian war, the French would take direct action. After the annexation of the Italian Area, the Prussian Government lost all trust in French integrity.
Were it not for the mutual checks between the Great Powers, the Rhineland region would have been lost long ago. Don’t assume that just because the Kingdom of Prussia won the bet in the original timeline, its military strength was superior to France’s; in fact, it was quite the opposite.
The military strength of the French Empire may not necessarily be much stronger than it was historically at the same period, but its nominal strength is truly astonishing. Its standing army is twice the size of the Kingdom of Prussia’s, and its overall national power is more than triple that of Prussia’s—including the French Italian region and its colonies.
After having Russia as a formidable enemy, confronting France as well would be an utterly irrational move.
After a token struggle, Prussian Foreign Minister Geoffrey Friedman reluctantly announced, "The Rhineland region is up for sale; it will be auctioned off to the highest bidder in a public auction."
Without a doubt, this was meant to sow discord within the British-French-Austrian tripartite alliance. If it came to financial clout, neither Belgium nor the German Federation Empire could possibly match France.
"Your country auctioning off the Rhineland region is not a problem, but the Rhineland is part of the Germany Region, inhabited by German people," stated Austrian diplomat Hummel.
Taking all factors into account, it would be best for the Rhineland region to join a German state. I suggest that this auction be limited to nations within the German cultural sphere: Switzerland, Belgium, the German Federation Empire, and the New Holy Roman Empire.
As the proposer, we can opt out of this auction to avoid any conflict of interest."
"Avoiding conflict of interest" was simply a way to save face. Who could sleep soundly with an exclave right under the nose of the French?
The countries of Europe didn’t want France to expand in Central Europe, and they didn’t want Austria to do so either. Even if they wanted the Rhineland region, they had no chance.
"Exclave" is a relative term; facing France, it certainly was an exclave. But if it pertained to the German Federation Empire, then it would be caught in a pincer attack.
French Foreign Minister Montero stood up furiously: "No, since it is a public auction, naturally the highest bidder should prevail. Every country in Europe is qualified to participate; how can we arbitrarily restrict it to German states?"
How could they miss out on such a great opportunity to purchase the Rhineland region with money? Even if the chance was slim, Montero had to fight for it.
Hummel countered sharply, "We are all civilized people, and we all understand that securing public support is essential to governing a place well.
Your country’s cultural traditions are incompatible with those of the Rhineland region, how can you manage good relations with the local people? As civilized nations, we must respect public opinion."
"Public opinion" was a concept first put forth by the French, and it was through respecting public opinion that Napoleon III came to power. Moreover, he was genuinely elected Emperor, not through a conspiratorial restoration.
This didn’t mean that the countries of Europe truly respected public opinion. The ruling classes often chose to respect it when it suited them and pretended not to see it when it didn’t.
To exclude France, Hummel unhesitatingly waved the banner of "public opinion." This was out of both interest and political necessity.
As the leader of the Germany Region, Austria had the responsibility to take the lead. Otherwise, Belgium and the German Federation Empire would not have had the courage to compete with France.
Seeing that the timing was right, the British Foreign Minister, Marquis of McLean, who had been watching the drama unfold, spoke up, "Sir Hummel is correct. As members of a civilized society, we must respect public opinion.
Over ninety-five percent of the people in the Rhineland region are of German descent, and their cultural traditions are more suited to merging with German states.
Now that the New Holy Roman Empire has withdrawn, the most suitable nations to participate in the auction are Belgium, the German Federation Empire, and Switzerland."
With the Anglo-Austrian countries presenting a united front, the other European nations, which had been waiting to see how things unfolded, joined in. At that moment, everyone was "respecting public opinion."
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With over a dozen countries standing united, Montero couldn’t withstand the pressure. The reality was in front of everyone, and no one desired to see France continue its expansion. The so-called "public opinion" was nothing but a fig leaf, a decoration used to embellish one’s own image.
If public opinion were truly respected, Ireland region would have gained independence by now, Scotland region too, and all the great colonial empires would have crumbled to dust.
The fact is one thing, what is spoken is another. Everyone cares about face, so paying lip service is necessary.
Without the fig leaf, being frank about France’s power being too strong and how everyone fears that a stronger France would threaten their own safety, how would they get along afterwards?
"Humph!"
After a cold snort to express his dissatisfaction, Montero chose silence. There was no choice; this was not the occasion for a battle of wits, as everyone’s stance was firm, leaving no room for persuasion.
There was no point in trying intimidation or temptation, especially with England and Austria leading the charge; any cunning ploys would be self-degrading. France did not have the power to single-handedly challenge Europe.
Montero’s silence was soon met with high praise from everyone—flatteries flew towards him, such as: "taking the overall situation into account," "having a sense of international responsibility," "a role model for respecting public opinion"…
However, to Montero, it all sounded like irony. Without achieving his goal, no amount of sweet words could bring benefits. 𝒏𝙤𝒗𝙥𝒖𝒃.𝙘𝙤𝒎
As a politician, if you receive widespread acclaim, don’t hurry to be pleased; it’s best to calm down and reflect first.
Usually, there are only two scenarios in which one receives such praise. The first, is that you have died, for the dead are always treated with leniency; the second, is that your actions align with their interests.
In international affairs, the second scenario most of the time translates to: you’ve made a mistake that benefited others. In such cases, it’s easiest to garner praise, securing a good reputation both in life and posthumously.
Otherwise, it would be fortunate enough not to be slandered by enemies, let alone expect others to give a positive review.
To respect an opponent, that respect is for the dead or the deposed. For a current adversary, not attempting to undermine them and even praising them is a spirit of what sort?
Having appeased the French, the focus of those gathered shifted to the representatives of Switzerland, Belgium, and the German Federation, awaiting their replies.
The Swiss diplomat Podolski took the lead in responding: "Although we’re keen to acquire the Rhineland region, limited by financial resources, we’re nonetheless obliged to painfully forgo the opportunity."
Seeing Podolski’s look of heartfelt regret, almost everyone was nearly convinced. Indeed, the Swiss Confederation’s government was poor; constrained by productivity and resources, Switzerland hadn’t yet taken off at that time.
However, the more plausible belief was that the Swiss people feared the French and didn’t dare to covet the enclave of Rhineland.
In this regard, Switzerland was different from Belgium and the German Federation; the latter two bordered directly with their homelands and could increase their own national strength.
Take the Kingdom of Belgium as an example; if they acquired the Rhineland region, it wouldn’t be long before their comprehensive national power would double. As one of the first countries to complete industrialization on the European Continent, Belgium led the world in many domains.
Unfortunately, limited by a too-small homeland with insufficient developmental potential, Belgium could not reach the threshold of the great powers and could only exist as a small country.
With the Rhineland, they could transition to the status of an intermediate nation, and their survivability would greatly improve.
Should the German Federation acquire it, the increase in strength would be even more obvious; overtaking Spain in heavy industry, for example, would be inevitable.
Now that only two potential buyers remained, Prussian Foreign Minister Geoffrey Friedman was not upset—it was an expected outcome.
Either France and Austria would compete in the auction together, or they would mutually restrain each other and withdraw jointly. Austria did not wish to get entangled with this nuisance at the time, and thus chose to exit the stage by dragging France along with it.
The auction could not take place immediately—everyone had yet to conclude their insider deals; how could there be a result so soon? This wasn’t simply about having the money; the political implications had to be considered too.
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