All eyes in Europe were focused on the West Asian Continent, with the sole exception of the Prussian Government. They had no choice, for they had a host of messes of their own to clean up before they could spare the energy to concern themselves with the troubles of others.
Even though the Ottoman Empire was a potential ally of the Kingdom of Prussia, this had no effect whatsoever. England and France dared to aid the Ottoman Empire, but the Prussian Government could not even dream of intervening.
From the perspective of the Kingdom of Prussia, a strong Ottoman Empire would indeed be in their interest, but supporting the Ottoman Empire would mean offending Austria.
This multiple-choice question was easy to answer. England and France had strong powers and feared not Austria’s retaliation; if they were going to stab from behind, they did just that.
But the Kingdom of Prussia could not do the same, as the threat from Russia had them on pins and needles. Provoking Austria on top would clearly be an unwise decision.
International public opinion was now quite interesting, with everyone in great unity, directing their criticism at both the Persian Government and the Ottoman Government, who shared the infamy together.
But the world of international politics was different, it split into two factions. England and France supported the Ottoman Empire, while Austria and Russia backed the Persian Government.
Overall, it was the actions of the Ottoman Government that were not righteous this time, and although Persia might have been a bit too extreme in their methods, they were, after all, a victim as well.
Most small countries in Europe tended to sympathize with Persia, but this was of no use at all. When it came to the great powers’ game, small countries dared not to declare their stance rashly, as their own wishes were not important at such times.
Against this backdrop, an international commission was formed. Both parties tried to win over the Kingdom of Prussia, for if they were willing to pick a side, they could almost settle everything with a single hammer blow.
However, the astute Wilhelm I made the most correct choice—neutrality. There was no other way, "wooing" could take different forms at different times. 𝑛𝘰𝑣𝘱𝑢𝑏.𝘤𝑜𝘮
It seemed that England, France, and Austria were all eager to woo the Kingdom of Prussia. In reality, none were willing to put forth a real offer; the so-called "promises of interest" were merely pie in the sky, visible but unattainable.
Without sufficient benefits, the Kingdom of Prussia naturally would not jump out to pick a side. Wilhelm I knew very well that the struggle among England, France, and Austria was limited and was far from a do-or-die scenario.
Take this West Asian Crisis; although it seemed that the parties were at loggerheads, they were essentially just engaging in a war of words within the international commission. The existence of the Triple Alliance was the best proof of this.
To pick a side under the circumstances of "fight but not break" among the three great powers was truly tiring. When the True God Himself had not demanded taking sides, volunteering to do so would be simply asking for trouble.
…
Inside the Berlin Palace, Wilhelm I’s expression was dark and fearsome, as if someone owed him tens of millions of Marks, clearly troubled by numerous recent vexations.
Foreign Minister Geoffrey Friedman reported, "Your Majesty, the German people are urging us again; this is the diplomatic note they have sent."
Wilhelm I, "Isn’t there still half a year left? Tell the German people that we will proceed with the handover within the stipulated deadline.
Prime Minister, we must hasten the migration work in the Rhineland region. Also, it’s imperative to mobilize more enterprises to relocate; the progress of the relocation work is too slow."
Prussia and Germany had signed a land trade contract, and the Rhineland region was already a part of the German Federation Empire, yet such a large-scale territorial trade could not be completed in just a day or two.
The Berlin Government had many institutions and personnel to withdraw, so there was a one-year deadline for the handover, from June 15, 1875, to June 15, 1876.
It was now time for the transfer of the Rhineland region, but the Kingdom of Prussia had not yet managed to complete the withdrawal and naturally refused to hand it over.
From the standpoint of the German Federation Empire, the sooner the handover, the better. Although the European nations endorsed this transaction, there was no need to worry about the Prussians reneging on their agreement.
However, Prussia was currently actively maxing out the Rhineland region, and these assets, in theory, could also be considered part of the German Federation Empire. The sooner the handover is completed, the more losses the German Federation Empire could recover.
When the King criticized the "slowness of the relocation work," Prime Minister Maoqi felt like crying but had no tears to shed. It wasn’t that the government wasn’t trying, but that immigration and relocation were really cumbersome tasks.
It wasn’t just about bringing people back; it involved providing the most basic settlement, finding them jobs that could support their families.
Otherwise, even if they do return to Prussia, people will leave again.
The Kingdom of Prussia certainly does not prohibit the movement of people, and in these times, offices facilitating emigration to Austria can be found in all the major cities of the Germany Region, with someone bearing all the subsequent costs as soon as you register.
Those with special skills even get a bonus opportunity to visit the place in person. If they are not satisfied, they can refuse to emigrate, and they will be reimbursed for the round-trip expenses, this service is absolutely in place.
Facing such a formidable competitor, how could the Berlin Government not make an effort? Although the local living conditions are better, people still need jobs to support themselves!
The Berlin Government has not refrained from cracking down on this kind of competitive emigration, but while the official emigration counters may have closed, unofficial ones remained.
Let’s not even talk about now, even in the twenty-first century, various underground channels for immigration still exist. As long as there are interests involved, they cannot be truly eradicated.
Encouraging capitalists to relocate is even more difficult; profitable business is always fiercely competed for, while loss-making deals attract no interest.
In the Rhineland Region, coal and iron resources are abundant, transportation is developed, and all kinds of industrial infrastructure are ready-made; relocating back to Prussia is not so certain.
On lands that have been fully developed, the local big players have already risen; trying to intervene now would only result in a bloodied nose.
In the undeveloped Polish and Lithuanian Regions, supporting infrastructure is lacking and transportation urgently needs improvement; neither is the distribution of resources well understood, and most crucial of all is market fluctuations.
While in the Rhineland Region, in addition to domestic sales, a large part of capitalists’ industrial and commercial products was exported to neighboring countries such as Austria, France, Belgium, and the German Federation.
After relocation, traditional markets would be lost due to the impact of transport; perhaps in the future when Poland and Lithuania develop, the local markets will be quite favorable, but the capitalists cannot wait.
Reality is not an internet meme; the so-called cultivating of markets is nothing but "poisonous chicken soup" for most capitalists.
Before cultivating markets, the first priority is to survive. If you can’t even survive, what does a future market matter to you?
When it comes to their own interests, capitalists are smart people. No amount of favorable policies promised by the Berlin Government can change the risks brought by relocation.
Maoqi: "Your Majesty, the government has exerted its utmost effort in the work of immigration, and we have to settle a hundred thousand immigrants every month, this speed is already very swift.
For many immigrant families, we have only solved the employment problem for one laborer, and to ensure that the people can survive, the government has to issue additional subsidies.
Domestic enterprises have long been full to bursting, and to resolve the immigration employment issue, we have had to increase public infrastructure investments, artificially creating jobs.
Schools, hospitals, railways, highways, urban renovation, water conservancy projects... almost all the basic industries that require a lot of manpower, we are investing on a large scale."
This is a fact. The efficiency demonstrated by the Berlin Government has shocked the world, having settled nearly a million people in immigration in a short time, it can rightfully claim a world record.
This is different from Austria’s manipulation of East Prussia back in the day; Austro-Africa had enough land, dispersing settlers everywhere so that each city only received hundreds or a few thousand people.
Without sufficient job positions, settlers could be directly arranged to farm or mine, so-called resettlement pressure did not exist.
As for the problem of capitalist relocation, Maoqi did not even mention it. It is really an unsolvable issue, high risks are supposed to correspond to high profits, but this industrial relocation involves only risks.
It’s not that the Polish and Lithuanian Regions are devoid of resources; at least they would suffice for the early stages of the Industrial Revolution, but the roads need to be built first!
On the map, the Polish Region appears crisscrossed with many rivers, most of which are suitable for navigation, suggesting advanced shipping.
In reality, the slight differences on the map translate into differences of dozens or hundreds of kilometers in real life. While seemingly not far on paper, it is already very lethal for the majority of enterprises.
The Berlin Government is working hard to build roads, perhaps these problems will no longer exist in the near future. But capitalists will not choose to share hardships with the nation; they can only share wealth.