NOVPUBNot competing does not mean not participating in the competition; even without interest, one can still join in the excitement.
With Austria’s current strength, no one can afford to overlook it, and it is entitled to its rightful share.
Even if it does not vie for colonies, it can still obtain compensation. Concessions here can be offset by gains elsewhere.
Exchange of interests is the essence of international diplomacy. How could one expect to take advantage without paying a price?
If one country were to reap all the benefits, how could other nations continue to operate? If they cannot contend with it, they can avoid it, and simply choose not to play.
It is not an era where one nation can absolutely dominate; no country can cover the sky with one hand. To avoid isolation, it is best to play by the rules of the game.
Once the rules of the game are broken, the biggest loser is invariably the rule-maker. After all, the rules were set by the rule-makers to protect their own interests, and no one can ensure a dominant position after reshuffling the deck.
Unfortunately, England, France, and Austria are established empires that have personally participated in and directed the establishment of the rules. The current rules of the game inherently represent the interests of Austria.
Having established the grand strategy, Franz no longer needs to worry about the specifics of the negotiations. What can be obtained will only be known after the negotiations are completed.
Franz could not possibly predict every country’s strategic goals; the so-called pre-emptive measures are entirely nonsensical.
Just like British diplomacy, those who are unaware think that the British have a set of plans that the foreign ministry follows for diplomatic work.
However, as far as Franz knew, British diplomacy did not have any so-called long-term plans. The core of their diplomacy boiled down to one thing—national interests.
Specific plans are made according to the situation at hand. Preparing detailed plans in advance is not suitable for diplomacy.
International diplomacy is ever-changing, with enemies becoming friends overnight. If it’s impossible to determine friends from foes, how can one ensure that other nations will follow your plan?
Any successful diplomatic power will revolve around international interests and adjust its foreign policies flexibly, as opposed to mechanically following a set plan.
Franz was very clear on this point; twenty years ago, Austria’s most important foreign policy was the Russian-Austrian Alliance, whereas now it has become the British-French-Austrian tripartite alliance.
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Harmonizing international relations and alleviating conflicts among the great colonial empires, as well as dealing with the distribution of remaining colonies, is clearly not a task that can be completed overnight; this negotiation is destined to be protracted.
The Jerusalem conference, which European countries convened to mediate the Turbulence conflict, has already begun. Before the conference started, the Ottomans and Persians had already clashed several times along the border.
However, both sides were cautious and restrained to the greatest extent possible, keeping the conflict suppressed at high levels.
Overall, there were victories and losses on both sides, with Persia suffering slightly more. This was very disappointing to Franz, who had originally planned to support Persia to create troubles for the British. Now, he had to reluctantly abandon this idea.
If they are unable to gain an overwhelming advantage even against the severely weakened Ottoman Army, such a chess piece is not worth the investment.
It is better to support Afghanistan; although it can only play a minor role, it is a pawn that has crossed the river. Despite its small size, its combat effectiveness is trustworthy.
With the support of Russia and Austria in recent years, Afghanistan has also trained a new army. Regrettably, due to financial constraints, Afghanistan has only managed to train less than three full-strength infantry divisions.
This was the result of the Afghan Government’s overextension in military efforts, coupled with Austria’s financial support. Otherwise, they could not even afford a modernized infantry division.
In comparison, the situation in Persia is much better; even in decline, its wealth is incomparable to Afghanistan’s.
If the government had sufficient capability, it would not be difficult to train a modern army of one hundred thousand to two hundred thousand. With such a force, the ambitions of the British would be curtailed.
All in all, feudal agricultural countries are ill-suited for the Age of Hot Weapons, with their meager fiscal revenues setting the ceiling for their power.
The Jerusalem conference encountered difficulties from the start, with everyone understanding that no results would emerge here.
Whether it is the Ottomans or Persia backing them, not until the backstage bosses have settled their differences can the situation improve.
Regrettably, England, France, and Austria are still incessantly squabbling, leaving no chance for a resolution at the negotiating table.
Persia demands reparations from the Ottoman Empire for damages, while the Ottomans demand compensation payments from Persia, with the atmosphere extremely tense. The representatives of the two countries are barely refraining from dueling.
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While the Jerusalem Conference had reached a deadlock, the British fulfilled their promise to the Ottoman Empire, and the first installment of three million British Pounds from the war loan had arrived.
For Prime Minister Midhat, this was the first good news he had received since taking control of the Ottoman Empire.
With this money, he could suppress the domestic rebellions and restore order within the country. Then, he could proceed with social reforms to rise the Ottoman Empire to prominence again and seek revenge against Austria and Russia.
Well, it seems a bit too much to hope for. However, for idealists, it is understandable, as their ideas always exceed the limits of their capabilities.
Mahadra, an official of the Youth Party, reported in a low voice, "Grand Vizier, over the past few days, His Majesty has frequently summoned Conservatives and Religious Leaders.
All the conversations have been secretive, but judging by the expressions on these people’s faces as they leave, they seem to have enjoyed their discussions.
Subsequently, these individuals have been unusually low-key, reducing even their normal social interactions.
At the same time, the volume of their covert correspondences has increased, including several military officers who have been in contact with them. Our preliminary assessment is that their conspiracies are aimed at us."
The Youth Party had come into power through a coup, and it was they who had propped up Abdul Hamid II.
However, this Sultan was not content to simply stay put. He had been supportive of the Ottoman Young Turks before his ascension to the throne, otherwise, he would not have had his turn, but after becoming Sultan, things changed.
Abdul Hamid II was not content to be a puppet Sultan. Originally close to the Young Turks, he naturally gravitated towards the Conservatives driven by the lure of power.
Now, with the Ottoman Young Turks holding significant power, Abdul Hamid II’s efforts, even with the Conservatives’ support, fell short.
However, as the refugee crisis was resolved, the situation changed, with the Conservatives shifting all the blame onto the government, causing the prestige of the Ottoman Young Turks to plummet.
This provided Abdul Hamid II with an opportunity to start working behind the scenes, often putting the Youth Government in an awkward position.
This naturally caused dissatisfaction within the Youth Party, and relations with the Sultan became extremely tense. As a leading figure in the Youth Party, Prime Minister Midhat naturally refused to sit idly by.
Unlike European countries, every transfer of power in the Ottoman Empire was accompanied by bloody slaughter. Retreating a step did not lead to boundless opportunities, but rather to an abyss. Midhat’s decision to have the Sultan watched was thus not surprising.
If it weren’t for the risk of stirring domestic unrest, Midhat might have even ordered a hit on Abdul Hamid II, having already disposed of one Sultan, he wouldn’t mind doing it again.
Midhat said fiercely, "Notify the Cabinet and all ministers to meet here tomorrow afternoon to discuss the issue of constitutional monarchical reform."
Being unable to dispose of Abdul Hamid II didn’t mean Midhat couldn’t retaliate. Constitutional monarchical reform was the best option.
At that time, most European countries had adopted constitutional monarchies. However, constitutional monarchies varied significantly, with some countries imposing strict limitations on the monarch’s powers while others merely had it in name, with no real restrictions.
Of course, in general, monarchs of this era still had substantial power and were the most authoritative figures in their countries.
This did not prevent Midhat from using constitutional monarchical reform to sideline Abdul Hamid II, because constitutional monarchy had no uniform standard.
For example, in Austria’s constitutional monarchy, the most effective provision was a clear stipulation of the Emperor’s annuity imposing that the Emperor could not indulge himself with additional funds from the state treasury.
In other respects, there were almost no restrictions, and some powers were even strengthened. The so-called constitutional laws were drafted by Franz himself, and the Emperor retained the right to modify them at any time.
Another example, in the United Kingdom’s constitutional monarchy, the King’s powers were more constrained, but overall, the King remained the supreme leader with control over national authority.
The most notable case was Russia’s constitutional monarchy, which lacked specific legal provisions. No one knew what actually restricted the Tsar’s power.
Many people in later generations would argue that Tsarist Russia was more an absolute monarchy than a constitutional one primarily because there were virtually no legal constraints on the Tsar’s powers.
However, these are minor issues as long as one operates under the banner of constitutional monarchy. Although Midhat was an idealist, he wasn’t so radical or arrogant as to think about abolishing the Sultanate and transitioning directly to a republic.
Indeed, introducing a republic in a country like the Ottoman Empire, with its strong religious beliefs, was frankly nonsensical—it could backfire by electing religious leaders to power.
Thus, it was sufficient to curtail the Sultan’s powers and make Abdul Hamid II a figurehead. Going any further would be splitting hairs.
