NOVPUBOn December 21, 1887, British Prime Minister Gladstone publicly declared war on Afghanistan in response to inquiries from Parliament, thus igniting the Second Anglo-Afghan War.
At that time, the Great Britain Empire could bully a small nation without the need for parliamentary authorization. In fact, had it not been for the uproar caused by the Walters assassination case, Afghanistan would not even have qualified to be formally declared war upon.
Like most native tribes of the era, the Afghan Government was never recognized by the European world.
In the eyes of most Europeans, the Country of Afghanistan was little different from a native tribe. Even though the British Army had been defeated in the previous Afghan war, it did not change outsiders’ perceptions.
Because the Indian Colonial Army could not represent Britannia’s true combat strength, and it was the East India Company, not the entire Great Britain Empire, that fought Afghanistan.
This was evident from the declaration of war against Afghanistan, which was made even though there was suspicion that Afghanistan might have been wronged. The British Government declared war anyway, too lazy even to go through the motions of an investigation.
From the moment the war with Afghanistan was declared, Franz happily retired from active duty to become a joyful onlooker.
However, he waited and waited, but the expected drama did not unfold. The British Government’s declarations were thunderous, but no actual action was taken.
They had promised to send troops after Christmas, but by February the war had still not begun, and it seemed it would be the next Christmas by the time it did.
By this time, if Franz did not realize that the British were again playing at declaring war without fighting, he would have served many years as Emperor in vain.
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Franz asked, "How are the Russians prepared?"
Foreign Minister Weisenberg replied, "The Tsarist Government has already assembled two infantry divisions and one cavalry division, as well as a large supply of strategic materials in the Central Asia region.
They are just waiting for the ice and snow to melt and the domestic roads to clear before launching an attack on the Central Asia region."
The British were inactive, but that didn’t mean the Russians were as well. Compared to the cunning British, it was somewhat easier to cheat the Russians.
Perhaps due to a genetic legacy, Russians have always had an irresistible allure to land, especially since they once occupied Central Asia.
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Seeing a novice brother in danger and spurred on by Austria, the Tsarist Government decided to take action after weighing the risks and finding none.
Prime Minister Carl said, "The British Government has declared war on Afghanistan without engaging in battle, it seems they have realized the danger. Now it depends on whether they are willing to give up.
The Russians have only regained a modicum of strength and can, at most, swallow up one or two Central Asian khanates. They cannot possibly manage to sweep across Central Asia and head south to the Indian Ocean in one go.
The British Government now has two options: either stop the arms race and concentrate on eliminating Afghanistan, fighting the Russians in Central Asia, or give up half of Central Asia to the Russians and go all out in the arms race.
Whatever choice they make, the British stand a great chance of succeeding. Of course, this does not exclude the possibility of the London Government being confused and starting both the arms race and the Central Asian campaign at the same time."
From Austria’s perspective, it was naturally preferable for Britain to clash with the Russians in Central Asia. No matter who wins or loses, Austria will benefit.
Alliances mattered little; if the British could completely defeat the Russians, Franz would not mind awarding them medals weighing a hundred tons each, certainly made of pure gold.
The reverse is also true; as long as the Russians could move south to India, Franz would not mind supporting them wholeheartedly—of course, going so far as to bankrupt themselves over it would be too much, as their relationship was not that serious.
Compared to that, an arms race seemed pointless. Instead of wasting money competing with the British, it was better to put that money into domestic development.
Foreign Minister Weisenberg said, "Starting both an arms race and a Central Asian campaign, the British would not be so unwise.
The British Government must be very conflicted right now, not sure which to focus on, especially since they are contending with three great powers.
We should perhaps help them by controlling the intensity of the arms race, so the British can confidently advance north and gamble against the Russians.
I believe the French will agree with us on this matter.
Napoleon IV is busy consolidating his power, and participating in the arms race is like pushing the unwilling. If it can be ended early, he will have no reason to refuse."
Prime Minister Carl asked, "What about the Russians? We promised to restrain the British, and giving up now might be hard to justify."
The Russians and Austrians do not breach contracts without cause, and few Russians would stoop to such measures, let alone reputation-conscious Austria.
Austria has navigated through Europe for hundreds of years relying on diplomacy. Especially in the period after the anti-French wars and before the Austrian revival, it maintained its status as a major power solely through diplomacy.
After so many years of effort, the international credibility of the Austrian Government had become extremely valuable.
Unless they were certain they could destroy the Russians and eliminate the threat on the Eastern Front, the Austrian Government would not easily break a contract.
Finance Minister Mark replied, "That’s an easy problem to solve. Just let the Russians know that we’ve lent them the funds intended for shipbuilding, making it impossible for us to continue the arms race."
Everyone was immediately enlightened by this idea; although somewhat underhanded, it was indeed an excellent solution.
The Tsarist Government’s resources were limited. If the war in Central Asia could be resolved quickly, it would be one thing; but if it dragged on, the Russians would undoubtedly need to borrow money from Austria.
At that point, if the Austrian financial sector didn’t support the Russians, the Vienna Government, for the sake of bilateral friendship, could lend them the shipbuilding funds for war—a perfect plan.
Seeing everyone had unified their stance, Franz smiled slightly, "Then it’s settled; the Finance Minister will give the Russians an explanation.
The Foreign Ministry will secretly contact the French to provoke a major conflict in Central Asia to weaken Britain and Russia as much as possible."
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While Austria was taking action, the British were not idle either. Forced into a corner, fighting against three major powers, the British Government was under immense pressure.
The enemy of my enemy is my friend; this doesn’t always apply in international struggles, but it can work in certain individual events.
The maritime civilization endowed the British with a crisis awareness; upon realizing they were confronting Russia, France, and Austria simultaneously, the British Government started seeking solutions.
Russia and Austria had been allies for many years, so gaining Austria’s support was not feasible; the British Government then set their sights on France.
On March 1, 1888, the British Foreign Minister George visited Paris. The London Government held very high expectations, and Sir George even publicly stated that this was a groundbreaking trip for Anglo-French relations.
As for the unexpected guest, Napoleon IV himself was not welcoming. The reason—just take a look at the nearby Palace of Versailles.
Due to the damages from the Paris Revolution, to this day, the Palace of Versailles had only been restored to seventy percent; the remaining areas were still under construction.
And the British were exactly the culprits who triggered the Paris Revolution. Even after the revolution was suppressed, many leaders of the Revolutionary Party were sent out by the British.
National hatred and personal grievances came together; naturally, Napoleon IV had no fondness for the British, to be precise, no fondness for the malign influences of both Britain and Austria.
At the routine welcome banquet, Napoleon IV absented himself without any reason. This was perhaps the first time since the era of Napoleon III that a French emperor had shown such disregard towards the British.
Apart from deteriorating diplomatic relations, the balance of power between the two nations had also shifted.
As the world’s foremost land power and second naval power, France no longer recognized British hegemony.
Especially among the younger French generation, including Napoleon IV himself, there was no awe for the British, only a spirited eagerness to challenge.
This situation precisely proved the saying: The world’s superpower has the most enemies.
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At the Palace of Versailles, Napoleon IV, with a grim face, asked, "The British have come knocking, what do you think they want from us?"
As displeased as they were with the British, diplomatic activities still had to proceed normally. Whether or not they could negotiate a result ultimately depended on interests, not personal feelings.
Foreign Minister Karl Chardlets said, "Your Majesty, the British are desperate.
The Russians in Central Asia are raring for a fight, and a major conflict is imminent, with Austria’s shadow looming behind.
If the situation spirals out of control, it could lead to Russia and Austria jointly expanding into India.
If no one can restrain Austria, the British will have to face Russia and Austria alone. Even if they win in the end, the losses will be severe, possibly even resulting in the loss of India."
The struggle for colonies isn’t just about the apparent victories or defeats; the issue of governing the colonies must also be considered.
Especially in densely populated areas like India, once nationalist ideas are introduced, the cost of governance can be unimaginably high.
There’s no morality in the great powers’ games; actions detrimental to others but not beneficial to oneself are common.
Prime Minister Terence Burke said cynically, "That’s just a problem for the British. Even if Russia and Austria united, they couldn’t swallow India.
The British have been operating in the Indian region for many years; even if it becomes untenable, they could still instigate independence there.
The Austrians probably don’t harbor such illusions, but it’s hard to say for the Russians—they have the plan for Russian expansion Eastward.
India would likely be easier to manage than a Far Eastern Empire. Given the Tsarist Government’s greed, they wouldn’t pass up any opportunity.
Due to the Russian-Austrian Alliance, Austria, even if not directly involved, won’t stop the Russians from expanding into India.
This is also our opportunity to watch from the sidelines, perhaps even reap some benefits.
What we need to do now is to weigh the offerings from all sides and choose to join the side that maximizes our interests."
Terence Burke’s view was representative of the mainstream in the French Government. They despised the British but wouldn’t let that get in the way of their interests.
As long as the British offer was high enough, anything was possible.
After hesitating for a while, Napoleon IV nodded, indicating his agreement with this view.
Despite the slight worry in his brow, it was evident he was not so willing. Unfortunately, between nations, interests always come first.
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