NOVPUBUniversity of Berlin, since the failure of the Prusso-Russian war, had become the cradle of German nationalism, with various radical ideas emerging incessantly.
Due to the war’s failure, the Kingdom of Prussia had accrued enormous debts. To repay these debts, the Prussian Government had long been so pressured that it could barely breathe, let alone have funds to develop its economy.
The public faced tremendous pressure in life, and high levels of dissatisfaction with society naturally exacerbated the spread of ideas.
After joining the German Federation, Prussia received economic aid from the Central Government, and its domestic economy saw a slight improvement.
However, all this had now ended. With the signing of the coal export treaty with France, the era when the German Federation relied on high-priced coal for huge profits was over, and the Central Government’s fiscal revenue had significantly reduced.
Without this income, and with the sub-states unwilling to pay taxes to the Central Government, the Central Government itself fell into a situation where its outgoings exceeded its income and naturally had no capacity to help the Kingdom of Prussia.
Against this backdrop, other than the coal-rich Rhineland region, the Kingdom of Prussia reacted most vehemently.
From the beginning, the Prussian Government was firmly against the negotiations with France, but they had little influence in the Federation.
Being able to enter the Imperial Parliament was the result of years of diplomatic efforts; they simply had no decision-making power.
Unable to oppose the greater force, the Berlin Government could only passively accept. The government accepted the reality, but the public could not endure it any longer.
Like all regions of the German Federation, anti-French demonstrations of varying scales erupted.
At the University of Berlin, a group of young students was having a heated discussion, obviously planning an action against the French.
...
A young student stepped onto the platform, "Fellow students, the current protests are utterly ineffective; the French can’t even see them, and our weak government dares not confront the French.
If we want to change this, we must take more proactive measures to let those damned French know that we are not to be trifled with."
Anti-French protests were effective, with domestic papers and magazines halting entertainment news to support the patriotic movements organized by students.
Workers, the middle class, capitalists, and even government officials all joined in the demonstrations.
In some small sub-states, the monarchs themselves came out to join the crowds at the protests.
The influence was substantial enough, but sadly, the effects were minimal as the French chose not to make concessions, and the German Federal Government did not dare to break the treaty.
"Fritz, what is a more proactive action?
Is it to block the French Embassy?
It’s futile; the decaying Central Government has already sent troops to blockade the embassy area, and we can’t even get in!
Petitioning the government is even more useless.
The Berlin Government has always opposed compromises with the French; in fact, apart from Hanover, all the sub-states do not support making compromises with the French."
Of course, as the government of a sub-state, it was natural to oppose such unpopular actions.
Apart from Hanover, which as the Central Government couldn’t avoid involvement, everyone else kept as far as possible.
From the fact that the Imperial Parliament did not veto the treaty, it was clear that compromise was the common desire of many sub-states, but only Hanover ended up bearing the brunt.
Even Wilhelm II, who had just ascended to the throne, righteously issued a condemnation letter that brutally criticized both the French and the Central Government.
Under the system of the German Federation, the Central Government really couldn’t do much against the monarchs of the sub-states; once scolded, that was that.
Prussia had previously cooperated with the Central Government to receive economic aid. That was also the condition under which Prussia agreed with Hanover to establish the bicameral Empire.
Now that the promised aid was gone, Wilhelm II not turning hostile but merely issuing a few mild rebukes was already very courteous.
Fritz shook his head, "Of course not. The Central Government is too weak, Hanover collaborates with England and France to betray the Empire’s interests, and this is not something a petition can resolve.
To change the current situation, the best way is to let the French see our determination and force them to concede.
Although we have called on the public to boycott French goods before, that still isn’t enough. To make the French concede, we need to do more.
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I have roughly calculated that the annual import and export trade volume between the German Federation and France is about 67 million Divine Shield, with coal exports alone accounting for a quarter.
If the French want to plunder our cheap coal, then let them not buy a single piece. The coal exported by the British alone is not enough for the French. As long as we can cut off the trade between the two countries, we need not fear that the French won’t make concessions."
This was a fact; once the German Federation stopped exporting coal to France, the French would indeed struggle to find sufficient substitutes in the short term.
Now, the main coal-producing countries in Europe are the United Kingdom, Germany, Russia, and Austria, with Russians charging exorbitant prices for the coal they export, while Austria rarely exports its coal.
Although the British export a large amount of coal, the sudden increase in market demand cannot be met overnight.
An expanded version of France consumes an astronomical amount of coal every day. Once there is a supply shortage, France’s economy would immediately face problems.
However, the unfortunate ones aren’t just the French economy, the German Federation also wouldn’t fare well.
If trade between the two countries were cut off, the German Federation would also suffer severe losses, and countless businesses would go bankrupt, potentially leaving millions unemployed.
Hearing this radical plan, the rational Hans exclaimed, "Fritz, your plan is too crazy. If you do this, the French will go mad!"
For nationalists, losses are minor issues.
After all, those who can afford to attend university mostly come from better-off families and have not yet been battered by society; they are not aware of how devastating economic losses can be. They mainly focus on the reaction of the French.
Although everyone shouts slogans loudly, being unafraid of the French is merely talk. If the French actually attacked, everyone would be panic-stricken.
Fritz said coldly, "How can we protect national sovereignty without taking risks?
Even if the French really come to fight, what can they really do?
His Majesty Franz has already publicly promised to protect our safety, and everyone is very clear about his credibility.
Collecting the power of all the countries in the Germany region, we are not afraid of the French, we are even stronger than them.
What we are afraid of is only the decayed Central Government; they worry that a war would lead to the unification of the Germany region, causing them to lose their power."
Watching the excited crowd, Hans fell into self-doubt. It seemed that a war might not be as frightening as assumed.
Although the French are powerful, the German Federation + Austria is not weak. The difference in military strength is unknown until they actually fight.
But fundamentally, Germany and Austria combined look very promising. With a population twice that of France, an economy 2.7 times larger, and heavy industry four times that of France...
In fact, the steel production of the North German Confederation alone is on par with France, especially in terms of steel output, which is even higher than France’s.
Ignoring other factors and looking purely at these numbers, there really is no reason to be afraid.
Even if the French Army’s combat power is outstanding, we can overcome them with sheer numbers. The Prusso-Russian war has proven that no matter how high the quality, it can be overwhelmed by quantity.
Throughout the entire discussion, Franz’s opinion, as the person involved, was assumed by everyone, tacitly believing he would fight for the unification of the Germany region.
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Cutting off trade between the two countries is easier said than done; at least the students from the University of Berlin are not yet capable of achieving this.
A massive campaign of solidarity began in Prussia and spread throughout the Germany region.
As the number of participants grew, it could no longer be kept secret. The news of the student solidarity quickly reached the desks of the leaders of the states.
Upon receiving this news, Wilhelm II, located at the epicenter of the storm, was completely baffled by the trouble that had arisen.
Making choices is difficult; the young and bold students are willing to gamble, but that doesn’t mean the rulers are willing to bet all they have.
Having personally experienced the failure of the Prusso-Russian war, Wilhelm II did not possess the arrogance to dismiss everything as in the original timeline, and the Kingdom of Prussia was not the gloriously powerful Second Empire.
Forcing the French to compromise without triggering a war would naturally be the best option.
But what if the situation spiraled out of control?
Once a war broke out, as a part of the German Federation, the Kingdom of Prussia couldn’t possibly remain uninvolved.
If the war were lost, the already unstable Hohenzollern Dynasty would be directly annihilated; even if the war were won, it would be like making a bridal dress for someone else.
If it weren’t for being sure that Austria was not prepared for war, Wilhelm II might even suspect that this was a plot by the Habsburg Dynasty.
Of course, Wilhelm II had another choice, which was to immediately stop the student solidarity, avoiding a nationwide anti-French movement.
However, this would affect the monarch’s prestige and might even be seen as betrayal by nationalists, weakening his own foundation of rule.
Equally lost in confusion was George I. As the Central Government of the German Federation, they faced nearly all the criticism."
Sometimes George I really wanted to act recklessly; winning would make him the Imperial Emperor, losing would leave him a King of the state, spared from enduring so much frustration.
