NOVPUBOn a highland overlooking the Seine estuary on theast of Le Havre, there was a small manor said to have originally belonged to a nobleman of great stature. When bored, he often visited here to watch the variety of sailboats on the Seine, which led him to name the estate "Villa des Voiles."
During the Revolution, nobles naturally fled abroad, and their estates were inevitablynfiscated by the revolutionary government. This particular manor produced little but served as a leisure spot for the aristocracy. However, due to its advantageous location, it became an outpost for the French army to monitor the Seine estuary. Later, as the situation stabilized, it became theuntry retreat of Minister Charles Maurice de Talleyrand, a new elite of the Republic.
Early this morning, several carriages arrived at the manor, and as an elderly man in his sixties and a group of young people alighted, they were greeted at the entrance by the Minister himself.
"Simone, weme to my villa," Talleyrand, also greying at the temples, greeted warmly, limping over with a smile and extending a hand.
Their hands clasped, both faces beaming as if they were indeed great friends.
Hand in hand like a younguple, they laughed and chatted as they walked inside.
Talleyrand personally led them into a small sitting room where everyone took seats on the sofas and servants brought in tea.
Generally, the French of this era preferredffee when hosting guests, but this time, the servants presented them with tea.
France had a history of teansumption, but since the Seven Years' War and the loss of itslonies in the Far East, the British had largely monopolized the tea trade. Frenchlonies in Africa and Haiti, however, producedffee, shifting Frenchnsumer habits towardffee. Though Talleyrand had previously also served themffee, the sudden appearance of teauld be seen as a hospitable gesture by the French, but perhaps there was more to it.
The British representative, Simone, gently sipped the Darjeeling tea, which carried a distinctive grape aroma. Since Britain had been blockaded, even British nobility found it hard to enjoy such authentic Darjeeling tea.
"Ah, the war has been so long that it's been a while since I've had such fine Darjeeling tea," Simonemmented as he set down his cup, "My friend, I think it's time to end this senseless war."
"I agree," Talleyrand replied, frowning slightly, "The war isn't pleasant for either side, it's affected many businesses and is incrediblystly. Look, we've had to issue war bonds for the third time. If thisntinues, our government expenses will inevitably lead to a deficit. We might even have to pause the annual increase in veterans' pensions. Plans for the Culture Palace and the Art Gallery are also being affected, directly impacting people's satisfaction with life and reducing their smiles. It's quite unfortunate."
To Simone, Talleyrand's words felt like a blatant show-off. Issuing war bonds for the third time? The UK didn't even know how many times it had done so. And that line about "our government expenses will inevitably lead to a deficit" seemed almost like bragging about France's financial strength, a flaunt of superiority to the British.
Even so, regardless of French boasting, it was the victor's privilege. After all, they agreed on an important point—both sides needed peace.
"What are youruntry's thoughts on peace?" Simone asked.
"Last time we met, I gave youruntry a memorandum, but you had some opinions, or rather, misunderstandings about it," Talleyrand said with a sincere smile, "which led to somenflicts we both wished to avoid. So, we've reviewed our previous memorandum and found many areas were indeed not appropriate, which might have led to your misunderstandings. We've revised it. You can take a look and see if we can use this new memorandum as a basis to bring peace to our time."
A young aide handed Simone a thick document.
Simone's expression darkened; he suspected Talleyrand's "revision" likely added even more demanding terms. Despite directives from the Prince Regent and the Prime Minister to endure, to achieve peace, "tonsider Britain's resources and win France's favor," and knowing the French's greedinessuld lead to even toughernditions, he was instructed not to immediately reject any demands. The kingdom was nearingllapse anduld notntinue the war.
Reluctantly, he took the memorandum.
"It's quite lengthy andmplex," Talleyrand chuckled, "Take your time,nsult with others, even send someone back to discuss it with your government if needed. But the First Consul hopes we cannclude negotiations within a week."
"So soon?" Simone looked even more troubled, "Both ouruntries sincerely want peace, and peace is inevitable, so why the rush?"
"
Because until peace arrives, we won't see its benefits—how can we not be in a hurry?" Talleyrand explained, "Moreover, from what we've gathered, if we don't reach a peace agreement soon, youruntry might experience some turmoil. We're worried such disturbancesuldmplicate the peace process."
Simone flipped through the thick memorandum and then said, "We'll need to thoroughly review this document. Could we have a private room for that?"
"That's easy," Talleyrand responded, turning to his aide, "Bousaion, please take my friends to my study."
Simone and hislleagues followed Bousaion to the study where they gathered to examine the new French proposal. To save time, each person was responsible for a section. The memorandum's structure was very similar to the previous one, which facilitatedmparison.
Soon, each had read their assigned sections.
"Minister, the part I reviewed differs little from the previous memorandum," one young man started, easing Simone's tension.
"Just some differences in phrasing. The current memorandum emphasizes mutual responsibilities and obligations more... it seems more equitable than before, but fundamentally, it's not much different," the young man added.
"Let me see?" Simone urged.
Everyone knew they were negotiating a treaty that would be seen as a national humiliation. Anyone signing such a treaty would bendemned in the annals of history. Thus, the original Foreign Minister had suddenly resigned for health reasons, and Simone, initially just a secret envoy, was abruptly promoted to take the blame.
Though forced to sign a humiliating treaty, if the termsuld appear somewhat better, it wouldn't be so bad.
"Quick, let me see?" Simone pressed.
The young man handed him the section he had reviewed, along with therresponding section from the previous memorandum.
Simone quickly read through them.
Indeed, the text was now more "equal." For instance, the clausencerning the UK's full opening of its market to France read in the previous memorandum: "The UK must unditionally open its market to France and its allies, ensuring that individuals and businesses from theseuntries enjoympletely equal, non-discriminatory status in the UK's nomic activities. Ammittee formed by France and its allies will monitor the implementation of this clause and report to the French government."
This was essentially a demand for the UK to unilaterally open its market, turning it into a Frenchlony—an annihilating clause for the UK.
But now, it was framed like this:
"The French Republic and the United Kingdom rgnize that equal nomic exchanges are the most reliable guarantee for world peace. To ensure world peace and promote the welfare of both nations' peoples, both governmentsmmit to the following on trade issues: Both governments, and any others joining the peace agreement, promise to fully open their markets to each other, with neither side using discriminatory measures such as tariffs or quotas to restrict the other's products in their markets. Both promise to provide their citizens and businesses withmpletely non-discriminatory national treatment.
To ensure the implementation of this clause, both sides will equally form a Free Trade Joint Committee to resolve and arbitrate any disputes arising during the implementation. Both governmentsmmit to respecting the mediations and arbitrations of thismmittee. Subsequent joining nations will also enter thismmittee, fulfilling their obligations and enjoying their rights."
Comparing the snd version to the first, doesn't it seem much more equal? The humiliating overtone is much less. However, often, textual equality is the greatest inequality.
As Joseph had once said after the promulgation of the Napoleonic Code, "The law, in its majestic equality, forbids the rich as well as the poor to sleep under bridges, to beg in the streets, and to steal bread." If one does notnsider the power and status of thentracting parties, so-called "equal" terms are just a fig leaf for the victor.
Consider the current state of the British nomy, alreadyllapsing, with many businesses either shut down or on the brink due to losses. Howuld they possiblympete "equally" with French businesses? To demand "equalmpetition" is as absurd as asking a male heavyweight boxer to "fairlympete" with a female featherweight boxer. "Fairmpetition" only leads to taking even more from those who have, and taking everything from those who have not.
Thus, this mutual market opening is practically no different from unilateral market opening by the UK.
For the UK, this clause is no different from the one in the previous memorandum. But for Simone, now forced to sign it, this revised clause is almost a lifeline.
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