NOVPUBThe royal election in the Kingdom of Poland was fast approaching, and the Polish Republicans, unwilling to lose power, also began their own maneuvers.
In Warsaw, inside the Prime Minister’s residence, Prime Minister Dombrovsky convened a meeting of the Republican higher-ups. If one paid attention, they would notice that the attendees were mostly government officials, with very few military generals present.
There was no choice, after all, the Polish independence movement was a success spurred by external forces, and almost all the military personnel leading the uprising were cultivated by the great powers; the forces truly belonging to the Revolutionary Party were limited.
Even that wouldn’t be such a problem if the Revolutionary Party had established a legitimate government—it wouldn’t be too difficult to win these people over.
Regrettably, influenced heavily by French thought, the Polish Government took for granted that the military should heed the government’s command, and within the framework of government authority, the military’s status was considerably suppressed.
During peacetime, this was of course no issue. Armies not interfering in politics is normal for any stable state. The tragedy is that Poland was not a stable state. Although independent, the threat of war loomed constantly.
In such circumstances, a state revolving around its military and making every effort to develop it would be the best choice, such as the Kingdom of Prussia next door, which provided an excellent example to learn from.
Clearly, the high and mighty Revolutionaries didn’t think it through; once they seized great power, they grew complacent in their delight.
To the upper echelons of the government, the military, filled with the influences of the great powers, seemed unreliable, so they had the naive wish to replace the top military brass with their own people.
The army is a place that respects strength. Without notable achievements in battle, how could one possibly gain everyone’s support?
The actions of the Polish Government naturally met with resistance from the military, and relations between the two sides grew extremely excruciating. High-ranking generals appointed by the government were often sidelined and their orders ignored.
The government saw this behavior as indicative of militarism and began to forge a new path by establishing an army based on the Revolutionary Party’s armed forces, which would obey the government’s orders unconditionally.
An army is a gluttonous beast, and the establishment of a new army naturally meant encroaching upon the original troops’ military funds, undeniably exacerbating the conflict between the two parties.
If the government was already so despised, it was only natural to overthrow them. Just at this time, the Prussians extended an olive branch, and driven by mutual interests, many in the Polish Army swayed towards the Kingdom of Prussia.
Prime Minister Dombrovsky said, "Gentlemen, our domestic situation is currently dire. The election for the king will take place next month, and if we do not act, our great Poland will be annexed by Prussia.
Please speak freely with any thoughts you might have. Today we must find a way out for Poland; we must not allow the ambitions of the Prussians to succeed."
The Berlin Government’s plans to annex Poland were hardly a secret; any secret no longer remains one when too many are involved.
Over the years, the Polish Government had constantly strived to rid itself of Prussian influence. However, their means were insufficient, and they often made a mess of things.
Minister of Foreign Affairs V. Vlublevsky said, "The Foreign Ministry has already made contact with various European countries, and the current situation is not very optimistic.
Napoleon III has just died, and France is still in the process of transferring power. The Paris Government is engaged in a war without gunpowder. Providing us with diplomatic support is not a problem, but direct military intervention is unlikely.
We have seriously offended Austria with a recent diplomatic blunder. The Vienna Government does not wish to see Prussia annex Poland, but they are equally uninterested in seeing us continue to govern Poland.
If the Prussians are willing to pay a high price, France and Austria might both choose neutrality. The only good news is that the British will support us; they do not wish to see further annexation in Europe."
Other countries were not mentioned because they lacked the strength to interfere. Russia, which had the power to interfere, was unfortunately an enemy.
As politicians, they do not mind allying with foes, but they must also consider the political consequences. Joining forces with the Russians carried a terrible political stigma they could not afford. Even an intervention by the Tsarist Government could likely do more harm than good.
Finance Minister Badler Jackson said, "British support may not be useful. They reign over the seas, but it is not their place to dictate things on the European Continent.
Unless one of France or Austria also supports us, we simply cannot withstand the Prussians if they decide to take action by force.
Bear in mind that the military factions within our country have long been colluding with them. If they resort to military action, we will suffer a devastating defeat."
The resources of the Kingdom of Poland were meager, and after years of effort, the Republican faction’s forces consisted of just two infantry divisions and one cavalry division, making up only thirty percent of the total Polish Army.
After a moment’s hesitation, Prime Minister Dombrovsky made a decision, "Then we must prevent Wilhelm I from being elected. As long as someone else becomes king, the Prussians’ plans cannot continue.
I don’t believe the Prussians would dare to invade and annex us by force; in the face of such an event, the other European nations could not remain indifferent.
Especially the smaller countries—if they don’t want to be annexed by others one day, they must support us now. One or two countries alone may not be significant, but if they unite, the Prussians will find it too much to bear."
Finance Minister Badler Jackson shook his head, "Prime Minister, this is very difficult to achieve. Wilhelm I’s support rate in the parliament is very high, far surpassing his competitors.
Even if we support someone else, we won’t be able to gain an advantage in the election. Unless we take drastic measures to interfere with the election.
But by doing so, the consequences would be severe. Once we set this precedent, the future of Poland’s democratic process would be greatly impacted, and we would be nailed to the pillar of historical shame."
Prime Minister Dombrovsky sighed, "Alas! The situation is difficult, and we can no longer afford to worry about that now. What’s most important at the moment is to first secure Poland; the democratic process is a matter for the future.
Polish independence was not easy to come by; it was achieved through the sacrifices of countless comrades. We absolutely cannot let the achievements thus far be destroyed in an instant.
Compared to the bigger picture, our personal honor or disgrace is not important. I believe history will deliver a fair judgment."
This was the best option to prevent the Prussians from annexing Poland. As long as the King isn’t Wilhelm I, the joint rule alliance wouldn’t be able to continue.
In Europe, a world bound by legal principles, anyone who breaks the rules must pay a price; Prussia does not yet have the power to ignore the rules.
Prime Minister Dombrovsky was already feeling some regret. If he had known the situation would develop to this extent, he should have elected a king at the establishment of the Kingdom of Poland.
Back then, all the governments opposed Wilhelm I’s election, and it was completely possible to exclude him, then proceed with the election. If the Polish throne had had a ruler, there wouldn’t be so many subsequent problems.
Power tempts the heart, and once a King was in place, the Prime Minister wouldn’t be able to have the final say as he does now. Dombrovsky failed to resist the Prussian’s temptation initially, naively thinking he could control the situation.
To some extent, the initial decision might not have been wrong. Prussia’s inability to annex Poland doesn’t mean Prussia couldn’t cooperate with others to partition Poland.
If the Kingdom of Poland itself had lived up to expectations, and had worked hard to develop its national strength after independence, demonstrating some power, the Berlin Government would have needed them as an ally, and there wouldn’t be so many issues.
But in reality, Poland has been infighting ever since independence. The inexperienced Polish Government made policies naively, resulting in a series of jokes.
From economic development, it can be seen that ever since Poland’s independence, it has been engaged in postwar restoration, yet to date it has not returned to the pre-war level, with some regions even experiencing negative economic growth.
Industry is an even bigger joke. During the period of Poland’s independence, it inherited a portion of Russia’s industry. These industries, once in the hands of the Polish Government, not only failed to develop but were instead tortured to
the point of barely surviving.
The economy was lacking, and the military was also meddling absurdly. The domestic army was artificially split in two, with hostility between the two factions, and on the battlefield, not stabbing each other in the back would be considered patriotic fervor.
Under such circumstances, the Kingdom of Poland simply had no standing to be Prussia’s ally. If they wished to consolidate strength and win the next war, the Berlin Government had no choice but to consider attacking Poland.
In the end, the question was simply whether Poland would be partitioned or annexed. Anyway, Poland’s tragedy was predetermined from the start; government incompetence led to the current disaster.
The room quieted down, and the sound of everyone’s breathing and heartbeats could faintly be heard, tension rising in the air.
"Prime Minister, there’s trouble,"
A voice came from outside the door, pulling everyone out of their contemplation.
Prime Minister Dombrovsky glared at the newcomer with dissatisfaction. How could someone barge into a meeting like this? It was totally disrespectful.
He had already decided that if this wasn’t a major issue, he would severely reprimand this ill-mannered fellow, "Speak, the sky hasn’t fallen."
The young man answered nervously, "Yesterday afternoon, our garrison in the Kiev area engaged in a fierce conflict with the Russians and a shootout erupted, resulting in 8 deaths and 12 injuries on our side."
After saying this, he hurriedly handed the telegram to Prime Minister Dombrovsky.
Border clashes between Russia and Poland occur from time to time, but incidents resulting in deaths are rare. Normally, both sides exercise restraint, and a fight is typically resolved without resorting to firearms.
The telegram only disclosed the cause and effect of the conflict, without any further explanation, causing Prime Minister Dombrovsky’s face to suddenly darken.
When it rains, it pours. The eruption of the Russia-Poland conflict at this time was definitely not good news for the Polish Government. One mishap, and they might be forced to step down.
Slamming the telegram onto the table, Prime Minister Dombrovsky hit the table angrily, "This is going too far. Are the Russians so eager to provoke a war!"
Others also took turns reading the telegram, becoming aware of the gravity of the situation. This clash was clearly premeditated by the Russians.
